2021-11-07T23:54:44Z eprint https://repository.www.guaguababy.com/images/sitelogo.png https://repository.www.guaguababy.com/ 2020-04-06T09:11:30Z 2020-06-19T11:35:20Z https://repository.www.guaguababy.com/id/eprint/1260 这个项目是你在存储库中L: https://repository.www.guaguababy.com/id/eprint/1260 2020-04-06T09:11:30Z

This thesis provides an analysis of Unangax̂ (Aleut) mummification in the context of their other methods of body deposition. It explores the hypothesis that whalers and their families belonged to an ancient shamanistic whaling complex that existed throughout coastal regions that practiced whaling. This thesis presents an explanation pertaining to the reasons behind mummification and serves as an organized compilation of the most pertinent past and recent data regarding Unangax̂ mortuary customs and rituals. A multidisciplinary approach is used that combines social anthropological theory, archaeological data, and ethnohistorical records. The known methods of precontact body deposition are evaluated in contrast to mummification. It is suggested that mummification proved to be the most complex of these methods and was reserved for the whaling elite and perhaps others of high rank in Unangax̂ communities. A comparative approach based on ethnographic analogy further explores the metaphysical relationship between hunter and whale. The geographical boundary for this study is also widened because mummification was practiced in regions contiguous to the Aleutians. Literature pertaining to the passage between life and death focuses on the liminality of the soul. This concept is presented as one of the prime elements in understanding mummification. The interpretation offered in this thesis builds on a recent approach to this topic, which suggests that individuals were deliberately mummified so they could remain in a state of persistent liminality in order to be preserved for their power. The findings of this thesis suggest that mummification in the Aleutians was a key aspect to whaling. Whalers needed courage and power, and this was accomplished through the use of mummified bodies of whalers and their lineage members that were iv secreted in caves to be used as magical talismans. This ancient whaling complex is examined through the paradigms of liminality and shamanism. Members were initiated into a spiritual and dangerous world, which thereby elevated their status in the community. It is proposed that whalers also performed the mummification. This interpretation advances the study Unangax̂ mortuary rituals and sets the stage for further research.

Kathleen Day 2018-01-29T14:03:30Z 2020-01-17T10:16:56Z https://repository.www.guaguababy.com/id/eprint/843 这个项目是你在存储库中L: https://repository.www.guaguababy.com/id/eprint/843 2018-01-29T14:03:30Z

Food is bound to or carried by supporting materiality in the form of artefacts in very different materials, forms, shapes and sizes for its different states of production, retrieval, extraction, preparation, storage, and consumption. Sometimes this material culture becomes very closely connected to a specific (group of) food product(s), as certain types of beer vessels, storage containers or bread moulds in ancient Egypt tell us. Occasionally, the artefacts even become a synonym for the food stuff it should have carried or contained. The carrier then acts as a symbolic substitute for the whole package consisting of the container and real or symbolic food. These often very simple substitutes or models perform as representations in the process of symbolic afterlife food consumption. The offering plate CC 308.004 from Cyfarthfa Castle Museums and Art Gallery, Merthyr Tydfil (Wales) does not usually appeal to museum visitors due to its very basic design and rough manufacture, but is to be seen in line with the lavish offering stands and tables known from ancient Egyptian tombs. The act of ritualistic offering of these simplistic and empty plates should not be seen as non-consumption, but helped magically to provision and nourish the dead with everything necessary to live on in the afterlife. Therefore it stands as a marker for foodstuffs, food consumption, consumed sustenance and explains an important part of ancient Egyptian afterlife beliefs. To understand the ambivalence between actual and symbolic food consumption and the expression of both in the materiality of the object was the goal of this extended object biography. What is of greater interest is the link between the narrative of the object, foodstuffs and the connected social worlds that it represents (Steel 2013, esp. 190-6). What has been presented here is a narrative of realistic and potential life cycle and the biography of a single lacklustre object CC308.004 with its incredible interesting storyline.

Katharina Zinn k.zinn@www.guaguababy.com 2017-01-18T14:41:32Z 2020-01-17T10:10:57Z https://repository.www.guaguababy.com/id/eprint/666 这个项目是你在存储库中L: https://repository.www.guaguababy.com/id/eprint/666 2017-01-18T14:41:32Z Louise Steel 0000 0002 4063 3609 2016-06-30T15:23:50Z 2020-01-17T10:10:08Z https://repository.www.guaguababy.com/id/eprint/616 这个项目是你在存储库中L: https://repository.www.guaguababy.com/id/eprint/616 2016-06-30T15:23:50Z

This article explores the materiality of food production and consumption within the household in Bronze Age Cyprus. The focus is on embodied encounters with the “stuff of food”—the pots, pans, and other kitchen implements that were used on a daily basis—and how these shaped people’s lives. Throughout the Early and Middle Bronze Ages, generations of families on Cyprus used Red Polished pottery to serve and consume food and drink: the round-bottomed pots were not designed to be laid on a table, indicative of the development of very specific customs of dining at home. The very limited range of pottery (wares and forms) available to the Early-Middle Cypriot householder suggests a monotone cultural experience. The introduction of vessels with flat bases or ring bases at the beginning of the Late Bronze Age might indicate a move to dining around a table—a radically different engagement with the physical, material world that undoubtedly affected social relations. This was accompanied by radical shifts in production practices—a move away from household production into the realm of craft specialists—alongside which there was an explosion in the range of tableware for consumption of food and drink and of utilitarian wares used within the kitchen. This article interrogates the implied transformations in the cultural knowledge embedded within people’s engagement with their material world and the very different visual and tactile experiences involved in the daily use of pottery in the Late Bronze Age Cypriot household.

Louise Steel 0000-0002-4063-3609 2014-12-04T18:00:27Z 2016-02-11T11:55:48Z https://repository.www.guaguababy.com/id/eprint/479 这个项目是你在存储库中L: https://repository.www.guaguababy.com/id/eprint/479 2014-12-04T18:00:27Z

The Bebelibe of northwestern Benin are experiencing rapid socio-cultural change following the arrival of modern institutions. People’s views about what happens following death are based on the cyclic flow of kɛbodikɛ (vital force) and mtakimɛ (agentive purpose). Death occurs when kɛbodikɛ and mtakimɛ leave the physical body. Despite this, their bond with it is not completely severed. Only once the flesh has decomposed, leaving just the bones, can they go on to reincarnate. Consequently, the Bebelibe have two funerals: mhuumu (burial, literally ‘death’) and dihuude (celebration), which should follow several months to a year later. Part of the dihuude celebration includes a ritual that allows kɛbodikɛ and mtakimɛ to ‘breathe’. The introduction and proliferation of coffins during the past twenty years has proved controversial as many think they slow down and complicate reincarnation. For others, kɛbodikɛ and mtakimɛ have been dematerialised and spiritualised, primarily through the influence of Christianity. One outcome of this transformation is the quick separation of kɛbodikɛ and mtakimɛ from the physical body. For those who accept this development, coffins no longer pose a threat and the focus of dihuude changes from ritual to symbolic. Reincarnation aside, many are worried about the escalating costs associated with both mhuumu and dihuude and the increasing social pressure to use coffins. As many have embraced aspects of Christianity, even if they do not convert, its impact and the importance it has gained in the area cannot be ignored. Especially younger people are attracted to Christianity as it is associated with being modern. Despite this, many churchgoers still accept reincarnation, although their understanding of it may be modified as people appropriate the parts of Christianity they find attractive on their own terms.

Sharon Merz 2014-12-04T15:47:05Z 2016-02-18T11:48:08Z https://repository.www.guaguababy.com/id/eprint/473 这个项目是你在存储库中L: https://repository.www.guaguababy.com/id/eprint/473 2014-12-04T15:47:05Z

我看着现在的精神气候和did field-work in neo-shamanic courses in England and Denmark it became clear to me that there was, if not a denial, then definitely an understatement of the evil or negative aspects of human spirituality. Although some of my informants had, indeed, experienced frightening and destructive spiritual encounters they mostly did not share them with their fellow participants as the atmosphere of the courses was that of benevolence emanating from the spirit-world. In the lower world the spirits seemed to be waiting readily for the course participants who were then generously supported by the spirits in their endeavours. A sort of ecologically correct lower world paradise was displayed. This was in such conflict with my understanding of the traditional shaman, that I decided to look at the archives at the Religious Experience Research Centre founded by Alister Hardy in 1969 and search for negative experiences to discover if there was evidence of modern Western people having had encounters that somehow were a manifestation of evil, destructive spirits, or the devil. There are about 6,000 letters, of which I looked at over 4,000, as the archive is presently being updated and the records put on computer. These letters were sent to the Research Centre by people who responded to the call for descriptions of spiritual experiences by Sir Alister Hardy and others involved in the research from the 1960s onwards. In this collection I found about 170 accounts or discussions of evil. I initially decided to use the word 'negative' instead of evil in my title for this collection, but as I worked through the material, I reverted to the term that most writers use themselves: evil.

Merete Jakobsen 2014-10-16T19:14:26Z 2016-02-26T09:39:56Z https://repository.www.guaguababy.com/id/eprint/384 这个项目是你在存储库中L: https://repository.www.guaguababy.com/id/eprint/384 2014-10-16T19:14:26Z Alison Joanne. Greig 2014-09-22T11:08:40Z 2016-02-25T14:44:14Z https://repository.www.guaguababy.com/id/eprint/340 这个项目是你在存储库中L: https://repository.www.guaguababy.com/id/eprint/340 2014-09-22T11:08:40Z

本文着手检查总体y accepted claim that one of the features of ancient Celtic society was the practice of human sacrifice, and to find out whether the available written and archaeological evidence supports this claim. It was decided to limit the period under review to the six hundred years from c. 500 BC to AD 100. After reviewing the literature on the subject, a number of texts from ancient Greek and Roman writers were examined to ascertain what was said. A number of these writers referred to the ancient Celts practising human sacrifice. Next the results from a variety of archaeological investigations was looked at to see if there were any material remains which would support these references in the classical writings. It was discovered that there is little material evidence to support the allegations of human sacrifice among the ancient Celts, that those finds which have been used to verify these assertions have more than one interpretation, and that the vast majority of serious writers on the subject maintain that there is almost no evidence to back up the equally widely held assumption that such practice must have existed. The conclusion of this study is that there is no reliable evidence for the practice of human sacrifice among the ancient Celts. It is recommended that further research might be carried out into a) the relationship between bodies and artefacts found in water, b) alternative explanations for how ‘bog bodies’ might have died, and c) why scholars believe human sacrificed was practised by the ancient Celts.

Anarchy. Williams